i. The politics of austerity and the continuing crisis of capital

ii. Sarkozy vs French workers & the left
It’s in this context that we can understand the struggle unfolding in France. Sarkozy’s stubborn attempt to reform the pension system is part of France trying to reshape and to make more competitive its working class for an ever increasing globalized economy. In 2005, former PM Chirac signed a law which would make it easier for bosses to hire and fire workers under 26, effectively creating a two-tier system of workers in France. This was met with the same ferocity as today’s protesters, and was ultimately defeated. Today’s struggle in France partially comes out of the struggles to defeat Chirac’s attempt at “reform”. But more importantly, France has a strong tradition of militant unionism and has a strong left wing tradition. With the activism of large parties like the Socialist Party, Communist Party, and the more revolutionary New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPE), a leftwing alternative to politics of austerity can be provided.
The struggle in France has reached every sector of the population, over 70% of France support the striking workers and student. The struggle has spread across major cities like Paris and Marseilles into smaller towns across the country. And the waves of strikes haven’t been just through unionized and public sector workers, but through the privatized sector workers, non-unionized workers, and millions of youth. Also true Sarkozy’s popularity level is at its lowest, at around 25%. This is important, considering that just several months ago Sarkozy’s government was going after Roma immigrants and the rights of Arabs and Muslims but yet still had broad public support. This isn’t to say that over night French society reached left-wing conclusions, but it goes to show when workers struggle and are forced to unite, class consciousness rises and backward ideas meet reality. No longer are immigrants or Arabs seen as the enemy, but the enemy is the government that is going after your pensions and living standards. It also goes to show what happens when a clear left-wing alternative to austerity measures are articulated. French workers could have taken this “reform” lying down, but a clear strategy of class struggle unionism and street democracy presented by the revolutionary left and by rank-file union leaders were able to sway French society.
iii. Looking Forward
Our solution to the crisis is by not paying national debts, nationalizing the banks, introducing capital controls, programs of public investment and in the long-term, replacing the profit system, with a system based on workers democracy and workers needs. Sarkozy’s pension bill has already passed the senate and will soon arrive on his desk for signing. The ruling class of France has learned their lesson with the Chirac fiasco back in 2005, never give an inch to street democracy. However, if the pressure continues from oil workers, transportation workers, dock workers, nurses, teachers and students, Sarkozy will most likely be pressured to save France’s business image in the world market. However, the main unions of France C.F.D.T and the C.G.T have been dialoguing with the president and there already have been promises of discussing the pension bill on a later date once it has been in effect. This would be an obvious defeat. We should reject dialogue with Sarkozy, and continue the pressure from below, on the streets, in the factories, in the universities, and in the docks of France. Sarkozy has already lost his aspiration of running for presidency in the next year, the popular struggle needs to continue to put the pressure, and also link arms with their brothers and sisters across Europe facing similar attacks. Sarkozy can be forced to drop the bill but workers need to keep the pressure up.